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Iran - Futurist
Republic
Third Edition
Sam Ghandchi

The president
of Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI), Ayatollah Mohammad Khatami, after
8 years of his presidency, has given a passionate speech about defense
of Iran in face of US aggression, emphasizing the need for Iranians
to uphold Moharram, Ashoora and other Shi'a rites and stressing
how these traditions had comprised the spirit of Iranian 1979 Revolution.
In his speech, he also tried to support the view of unity of different
pro-IRI groups, by referring to late Ayatollah Khomeini, the founder
of Islamic Republic, favoring such unities.
The reality
is that today, we are not in the first years after the 1979 Revolution,
to use the impending threat of foreign aggression, to gather support
for IRI. The biggest threat to Iran's independence is IRI itself,
and it is time to end IRI, and to start a Futurist Republic, a republic
based on elected officials and with full separation of state and
religion.
Contrary to what Mr. Khatami claims, not only Ashoora and other
Shi'a traditions are not uniting Iranians, these religious rites
coerced by the state, have divided Iran and Iranians, and exactly
this is what was wrong with the Revolution, making it a retrogressive
revolution, as I wrote in Futurism and Iran's 1979 Revolution and
no need to continue down that failed path anymore.
And Mr. Khatami
still quotes Ayatollah Khomeini, as if Khomeini is the unifying
beloved personality of Iranian history. The Khomeini who internally
ordered the 1st of Sept 1988 massacre of Iranian political prisoners,
right after signing the Peace Treaty with Iraq, to diffuse protests
of Iranians about his failed leadership of Iran and the War. On
the international scene, Khomeini's hostage-taking and his infamous
fatwa to kill Salman Rushdie not only damaged the image of all Iranians
abroad, but Khomeini himself also became one of the most hated personalities
of modern history. Thus Mr. Khatami 's call on Khomeini's legacy,
to unite the pro-IRI factions is a futile attempt, and all these
factions will fall together, with the sinking ship of Islamic Republic.
In the eyes
of Iranian people, contrary to what Mr. Khatami is asking us, to
spend all our energy to go to the polls of IRI, to elect what IRI
wants, our vote is what we want, which is to *end* the Islamic Republic
and to begin the Futurist Republic. Yes, we do not want IRI. Our
vote is to start a Futurist Republic which will not be based on
Ashoora and other Shi'a rites as political vehicles to enforce the
rule of Islamists. Our vote is to have a secular, federal, democratic,
and futurist republic. Yes, we will vote for ending the IRI and
starting such Futurist Republic.
***
Why do I write Khatami's *failed* presidency? Because his presidency
was with the promise of reforming the Islamic state, and bringing
democracy to Iran. In effect, at best his so-called Islamic democracy,
meant recognition of a few more Islamist groups, than the previous
IRI administrations, but still failed to even recognize the right
of non-Islamic political groups to exist, let alone for them to
be elected in the three branches of government. And even worse,
it was Khatami's total failure to *protect* democratic groups, the
Achilles heel of all Iranian governments.
I should note
that even at times of real democratic governments in Iran, like
the government of ? Dr. Mossadegh, when the state was democratic
for real, and not a pseudo-democracy like Khatami's, still we had
the problem of *protecting* democracy, as I noted. In other words,
existence of the democratic state meant that the pro-democracy groups,
to be good citizens, would rely on the state for protection, and
would lay down arms and other means of protecting themselves. Thus,
when the state did not reform the police, and did not stop the dictatorial
extrajudicial forces, from being armed, and from attacking the democratic
groups and publications, in effect, the pro-democracy groups would
be defeated, and dictatorship would return.
In absence of
a democratic state with effective *protection* of democracy, democratic
political groups are better off to keep the option of self-defense
and *protecting* themselves, rather than wishful thinking that the
state will support them, unless a real *effective management* of
a democratic government to *protect* democracy is in place, and
not just a government proclaiming to be impartial and democratic.
Why? Because ineffective *protection* is like the Persian proverb
from Iranian poet Saadi in his Golestan, where he says the rock
is locked but the dog is left unleashed, and such pseudo-liberal
conditions, can work more against the democratic forces, than to
help them.
I hope in the
future, when those in charge of management of democratic organizations,
including a democratic state, if they cannot *protect* democracy,
to step down, rather than keep complaining like Barzargan, and letting
the time work against the democratic forces, until dictatorial forces
take power, and the chances to reverse the situation are lost.
Khatami's government
was not even a democratic government like Mossadegh's. But he managed
to create the image of a pseudo-democracy, when in reality Forouhars
and others were killed in chained murders during his reign, and
he never told the Iranian people as to who were the state authorities
behind those atrocities, whereas he should have had access to all
the intelligence being at top of the state for 8 years. Moreover,
during his presidency, he could have de-classified the documents
about the IRI murders of opponents abroad, such as the killings
of Bakhtiar, Boroumand, Kurdish leaders, and many others, instead
of tolerating the imprisonment of the likes of Akbar Ganji who challenged
the chained murders.
And let's ask
if Mr. Khatami reformed the police and pasdaran force? Did he protect
the journalists from hezbollahi thugs? The students were beaten
up and their peaceful leaders are even dying of hunger strike in
IRI prisons to this day, when Mr. Khatami is giving passionate speeches
about unity of Iranians and about supporting IRI Supreme leader
at the polls for the coming election. The women are forced to wear
veil and religious oppression continues. The criminal organizations
freely collect money in Iran, to kill the author Salman Rushdie
for his ideas and Khatami's boss reaffirms the fatwa. This is the
Islamic Republic, after 8 years of Mr. Khatami's presidency and
its so-called reforms.
Mr. Khatami
could have started a committee to receive reports of all thug attacks
and do proper investigation and report to the nation and fix the
problems. These are the kinds of actions that could be called real
*reformist* political steps to *protect* democratic forces, and
he has basically ignored all these 8 years. Surely at times, he
talked about some of these problems, but like a journalist and not
like a president. He did not take any practical steps to *protect*
democracy as a president, the job of a president is not the same
as the job of a journalist: A journalist should talk about what
is happening in the society, but the job of a president is more
than reporting, it is to *act* for protection of the rights of citizens.
This is why office of presidency is part of the *executive* branch
of the state and not the board room of a *media* enterprise.
As I have written
before, the most important duty of pro-Democracy movement of Iran
is to *protect* democracy from attacks of extrajudicial thugs, police,
and armed forces. Even before a democratic state is formed, steps
for the *protection* of democracy can and must start, and a to handle
this important issue of democracy, should be formed, and this body
should continue as a human rights vehicle, even after the democratic
state has been formed in Iran, as a checks and balance organization,
to monitor *protection* of democracy.
***
The 8 years of presidency of Khatami showed that the Islamic Republic
cannot be reformed and it is time to form a Futurist Republic
in Iran, with elected officials and full separation of state and
religion based on a comprehensive social and political platform.
Full separation of state and religion means that no Islamic courts
to judge people by Islamic laws. It means to have real parliament
representative from all shades of political thought and not just
the parliament of Islamist clergy and their supporters. It means
to have real executive branch of the state and not a state of Islamist
officials thinking their job to be upholding moharram, Ashoora,
and other Shi'a rites.
Does all this
mean that religion and clergy will lose in a Futurist Republic?
Not really. Alexis de Tocqueville, the French historian, politician,
and author of "Democracy in America", written in 1835,
whom Mr. Khatami used to quote a lot at the beginning of his presidency,
had explained best that a secular state is even to the advantage
of the religion. Here are the words of Tocqueville:
"On
my arrival in the United States the religious aspect of the country
was the first thing that struck my attention; and the longer I stayed
there, the more I perceived the great political consequences resulting
from this new state of things. In France I had almost always seen
the spirit of religion and spirit of freedom marching in opposite
directions. But in America I found they were intimately united and
that they reigned in common over the same country. My desire to
discover the causes of this phenomena increased from day to day.
In order to satisfy it I questioned the members of all the different
sects; I sought especially the society of the clergy, who are the
depositaries of the different creeds and are especially interested
in their duration. As a member of the Roman Catholic Church, I was
more particularly brought into contact with several of its priests,
with whom I became intimately acquainted. To each of these men I
expressed my astonishment and explained my doubts. I found out that
they differed upon matters of details alone, and that they all attributed
the peaceful dominion of religion in their country mainly to the
separation of church and state. I do not hesitate to affirm that
during my stay in America I did not meet a single individual of
the clergy or the laity, who was not of the same opinion on this
point
.
The short space of threescore years can never content the imagination
of man; nor can the imperfect joys of this world satisfy his heart.
Man alone, of all created beings, displays a natural contempt of
existence, and yet a boundless desire to exist; he scorns life,
but he dreads annihilation. These different feelings incessantly
urge his soul to the contemplation of a future state, and religion
directs his musings thither. Religion, then is simply another form
of hope itself. Men cannot abandon their religious faith without
a kind of aberration of intellect and a sort of violent distortion
of their true nature; they are invincibly brought back to more pious
sentiments. Unbelief is an accident and faith is the only permanent
state of mankind.
When a religion founds its empire only upon
the desire of immortality that lives in every human heart, it may
aspire to universal dominion; but when it connects itself with a
government, it must adopt maxims, which are applicable only to a
certain nations. Thus, in forming an alliance with a political power,
religion augments its authority over a few and forfeits the hope
of reigning over all."
[Page 319-321 Democracy in America, Vol
1, Vintage Books]
The above could
have been written about America today (150 years later), when over
90% of people in the United States claim to be religious believers
of some sort. As noted by political philosophers such as John Rawls,
the separation of state and religion means that adherents of any
religion or philosophical doctrines, would expect adherents of other
doctrines, possessing power in the state, not to be able to use
political power to repress the ones holding other religions or doctrines.
How to achieve this balance would be the crux of the question of
democracy in the Futurist Republic which I try to examine below:
John Rawls in
his book "Lectures on the History of Moral Philosophy"
published in 2000, before his passing away, makes a very interesting
observation about the way the Ancient philosophers such as Plato
approached the questions of justice and moral philosophy, in contrast
to Modern philosophers such as Hume and Kant. He shows how in the
Apology, the focus of Ancients like Socrates, is defining the virtuous
or the good, whereas the moderns such as Hume concerned themselves
with right. In other words, in Ancient Greece, the religion was
focused on civil rituals and the critical philosophers were using
*reason* to define fundamentals of *virtue* and *good* when in search
of justice; whereas at the end of the Medieval Times in Europe,
the society's religion had a comprehensive doctrine defining "virtue"
and "good", and the modern thinkers were using *reason*
to define the "rights" in search of justice and an ideal
state.
There is also,
in a different way, a contrast between the philosophers of Enlightenment
such as Kant, and the moral philosophers of our times, like John
Rawls himself. Kant was trying to offer a comprehensive liberal
doctrine, whereas Rawls tries to present his liberal theory as a
logical system, like a template, that can be independent of any
comprehensive religious or philosophical system. This development
is happening in a country like United States where the separation
of state and religion for two centuries has made it possible that
liberal state not to be something forced by adherents of comprehensive
liberal doctrine, and to the credit of the execution of separation
of state and religion for centuries, some adherents of religious
doctrine view it as a disinterested theory, although having grown
out of comprehensive liberal doctrine. This is similar to the way
human rights is being viewed in most of the world in our times,
as the achievement of humanity.
In short, we
can see three ways of seeing an ideal moral understanding. One is
trying to create a virtuous human like the way Plato presents it
thru the words of Socrates in the West and a similar approach of
Confucius and many others in the East, and some among Iranians,
who think until you have a virtuous human, any attempts for a democratic
state is useless. The Futurist approach is the one similar to the
Enlightenment philosophers like Kant, who tried to define a comprehensive
philosophical doctrine to achieve the *rights* in a democratic state.
They are the ones who followed up and created the basis of the legal
codes of the Modern Times. The best example among them is John Stuart
Mill. Finally the third approach is that of philosophers of our
times like John Rawls who basically have tried to define the fairness
and justice independent of any comprehensive philosophical doctrine
of liberalism, as a template.
It is basically
the human rights as clearly stated in the Universal Declaration
of Human Rights that any society in our times needs to achieve and
the most important issue for the state is *protection* of democracy.
The sooner all Iranian political forces start to form the committee
to *protect* democracy, the more we can hope not to fall prey to
dictatorial forces as the IRI is ended, and we start building the
Futurist Republic. The demand of Iranian people for a referendum
is the first step towards forming the Futurist Republic.
Hoping for a
Futurist, Federal, Democratic, and Secular Republic in Iran,
Sam Ghandchi,
Editor/Publisher
IRANSCOPE
Futurist Party
Futurist
Party Platform
Original
Version
written: May 29, 2005
Note: I wrote the first edition of this article on January 8, 2003
in English. I wrote the second edition on February 12, 2005 in Persian
and English.
Republished:
January 6, 2007
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