Republished: September 26, 2007
First I am going to quote from Fara Mansoor as written by Harry
V. Martin and then I am going to post my comments.
Iranian hostage story from the files of Fara Mansoor as written
by Harry V. Martin
is a fugitive. No, he hasn't broken any laws in the United States.
His crime is the truth. What he has to say and the documents he
carries are equivalent to a death warrant for him, Mansoor is
an Iranian who was part of the "establishment" in Iran
long before the 1979 hostage taking. Mansoor's records actually
discount the alleged "October Surprise" theory that
the Ronald Reagan-George Bush team paid the Iranians not to release
52 American hostages until after the November 1980 Presidential
meticulous documents, shared exclusively with this magazine, shows
a much more sinister plot, the plot to take the hostages in the
first place. "For 15 years the truth about the nature and
origins of the Iranian hostage crisis has been buried in a mountain
of misinformation," Mansoor states. "Endless expert
analysis has served only to deepen the fog that still surrounds
this issue. We have been led to believe that the 'crisis' was
a spontaneous act that just sprang out of the 'chaos' of the 'Islamic
Revolution'. Nothing could be further from the truth!"
understand the hostage crisis and 'who done it', one has to look
not only with a microscope, but also a wide angle lens to have
a panoramic view of this well scripted 'drama'," Mansoor
states. "That 'drama' was the result of large historical
patterns, models, and motives. Once its true nature is understood,
it will be clear how Iran/Contra happened. Why Rafsanjani has
been trying to 'move toward the West,' and why Reagan called him
a 'moderate'. And why, during the Gulf War, James Baker said,
'we think Iran has conducted itself in a very, very credible way
through this crisis'" Mansoor emphasizes that the "October
Surprise" myth has served as dangerous misinformation.
THOUSANDS OF DOCUMENTS IN SUPPORT
of documents to support his position, Mansoor says that the "hostage
crisis" was a political "management tool" created
by the pro-Bush faction of the CIA, and implemented through an
a priori Alliance with Khomeini's Islamic Fundamentalists."
He says the purpose was twofold:
* To keep
Iran intact and communist-free by putting Khomeini in full control.
* To destabilize the Carter Administration and put George Bush
in the White House.
private Alliance was the logical result of the intricate Iranian
political reality of the mid-70s, and a complex network of powerful
U.S.-Iranian 'business' relationships," Mansoor states. "I
first met Khomeini in 1963 during the failed coup attempt against
the Shah. Since that time I have been intimately involved with
Iranian politics. I knew in 1979 that the whole, phony 'Islamic
Revolution' was 'mission implausible'." Mansoor was frank.
"There is simply no way that those guys with the beards and
turbans could have pulled off such a brilliantly planned operation
without very sophisticated help."
spent 10 years researching the issue. "I have collected enough
data to yield a very clear picture. Mr. Bush's lieutenants removed
the Shah, brought Khomeini back to Iran, and guided his rise to
power, sticking it to President Carter, the American people (52
in particular), and the Iranian people." he stated with boxes
and boxes of evidence to support his contentions. "My extensive
research has revealed the heretofore untold truth about this episode.
This is not another 'October Surprise' theory purporting how the
hostage crisis resulted in some Khomeini-Republic better deal.
That theory puts the cart before the horse. Its absurd premise
is that a major international deal was initiated and consummated
in three weeks. Give me a break! Bill Casey didn't have to go
to Paris to play lets-make-deal. The 'deal' had been in operation
for at least two years. This game of blind-man's-bluff around
Casey's gravestone was more
misinformation, damage control."
REAGAN, BUSH AND THATCHER IN IRAN IN 1978
a confidential document called the "Country Team Minutes"
of April 26, 1978, more than a year before the hostage crisis.
The meeting was held in Iran. The second paragraph of the routine
minutes, states, "The Ambassador commented on our distinguished
visitors, Ronald Reagan, George Bush and Margaret Thatcher, and
commented that Teheran seems to be the site for an opposition
parties congress." Mansoor indicates the entire relationship
was probably the most sophisticated criminal act in recent history.
"That the people who, until recently, were holding power
in Washington and those who currently are still in control in
Teheran, got there by totally subverting the democratic process
of both countries is news. That their methods of subversion relied
on kidnapping, extortion and murder is criminal," Mansoor
a target after he did a radio show in Portland on November 13,
1992. It was the first time he attempted to go public with his
documents and information. The Iranian regime has placed a bounty
on Mansoor's head and he has received many death threats.
just another conspiracy nut? Ervand Abrahamian of Baruch College
of New York stated in a letter to Mansoor, "As you know I
am very weary of conspiracy theories. But, despite my preconceived
bias, I must admit I found your manuscript to be thoroughly researched,
well documented, and, of course extremely relevant to the present.
You have done an first-class job of interviewing participants,
collecting data from scattered sources, and putting them together
like a highly complicated puzzle."
meticulous research clearly demonstrates how Khomeini's published
vision of an Islamic Government (Vilayat-Faqih) dovetailed with
the regional and global strategic objectives of a hard-core subset
of the U.S. National Security establishment loyal to George Bush.
It shows that the Iranian hostage crisis was neither a crisis
nor chaos. In 1953, the CIA orchestrated a coup in Iran, which
threw out the democratic government and installed the Shah.
In order to
understand the imperative of this Alliance, we must realistically
examine the sociopolitical alignment both in Iran and the U.S.,
and accurately assess their respective interests to find the command
ground for this coalescence. The anti-monarchic forces in mid-70s
Iran consisted of various nationalists groups including religious
reformist, the Islamic Fundamentalists, and the leftists and communist.
forces were varied. Some were from within the government, but
they were poorly organized and without grass-roots support. Their
position was clearly anti-left and anti-Communist, but they were
vulnerable to being taken over by the well-organized left.
Fundamentalists had no government experience, but they had major
grassroots supports. Islam, in its Shiite format was deeply embedded
in the lives of the vast majority of the Iranian people. The Fundamentalists
were absolutely anti-Communist.
CARTER FIRES 800 CIA COVERT OPERATORS
divide within the U.S. National Security establishment, especially
the CIA, became quite serious in the aftermath of Watergate. To
make matters worse, the election of Jimmy Carter in 1976, his
campaign promise to clean the "cowboy" elements out
of the Central Intelligence Agency and his "human rights"
policies alarmed the faction of the CIA loyal to George Bush.
Bush was CIA director under Richard Nixon. Finally, the firing
of CIA Director George Bush by Carter, and the subsequent "Halloween
Massacre" in which Carter fired over 800 CIA covert operatives
in 1977, angered the "cowboys" beyond all measure. That
was Carter's October surprise, 800 firings on Halloween 1977.
Bush and his
CIA coverts were well aware of the Shah's terminal cancer, unknown
to President Carter. The team had an elaborate vested interest
to protect. They were determined to keep Iran intact and communist-free
and put George Bush in the White House.
Islamic Fundamentalists were the only viable choice through which
the Bush covert team could implement its own private foreign policy.
The results: the birth of the Islamic Republic of Iran, the fall
of President Carter, and the emergence of something called the
"New World Order." Mansoor's documents show step-by-step
In 1974, the Shah of Iran was diagnosed with cancer.
In 1975, former CIA director, and the U.S. Ambassador to Iran,
Richard Helms learned of the Shah's cancer through the Shah's
closest confidant, General Hossein Fardoust. The Shah, Helms and
Fardoust had been close personal friends since their school days
together in Switzerland during the 1930s.
On November 4, 1976, concurrent with Jimmy Carter's election as
President, CIA Director George Bush issued a secret memo to the
U.S. Ambassador in Iran, Richard Helms, asking:
there been any changes in the personality pattern of the Shah;
what are their implication pattern for political behavior? Identification
of top military officers that most likely play key roles in any
transference of power if the Shah were killed...who will be the
leading actors? How will the Shah's pet projects, including the
economic development program, be effected by his departure?"
By July 1977, anticipating trouble ahead, the Bush covert team
issued preliminary script for the transition of power in Iran.
According to John D. Stemple, a CIA analyst and Deputy Chief Political
officer of the U.S. Embassy in Iran, "A ten page analysis
of the opposition written by the embassy's political section in
July 1977 correctly identified Bakhtiar, Bazargan, Khomeini and
Behesti as major actors in the drama that begin unfolding a year
to this analysis, in August 1977, the "official wing"
of the CIA fed President Carter a 60-page Study on Iran which
Shah will be an active participant in Iranian life well into the
1980s...and there will be no radical changes in Iranian political
behavior in the near future."
October 31, 1977, President Carter made good on his campaign promise
to clean the "cowboys" out of the CIA. He fired over
800 covert operatives from the Agency, many of whom were loyal
to George Bush. Carter's presidency split the CIA. It produced
in them, among whom were "many well-trained in political
warfare, a concerted will for revenge." By the end of the
1970s many of these special covert operatives had allied themselves
with George Bush's candidacy, and later with Ronald Reagan's presidential
November 15, the Shah of Iran visited Washington, D.C. Carter
toasted his guest, "If ever there was a country which has
blossomed forth under enlightened leadership, it would be the
ancient empire of Persia."
On November 23, Ayatollah Khomeini's elder son, Haji Mustafa,
died mysteriously in Najaf, Iraq. According to Professor Hamid
Algar, he was "assassinated by the Shah's U.S.-instituted
security police SAVAK...the tragedy inflamed the public in Iran."
Ayatollah Khomeini placed an advertisement in the French Newspaper
Le Monde, which read: "thanking people for condolences that
had been sent of the murder of his son". He also "appealed
to the army to liberate Iran, and to the intellectuals and all
good Muslims to continue their criticism of the Shah".
31, 1977, Carter visited the Shah in Iran. He toasted the Shah
for maintaining Iran as "an island of stability in one of
the more troubled areas of the world." Ironically, that so-called
stability evaporated before the champagne lost its fizz.
On January 7, 1978, an insidious article entitled Iran and the
Red and Black Colonialism, appeared in the Iranian daily newspaper
Ettela'at. It castigated the exiled Khomeini, and produced a massive
protest riot in the Holy City of Qum the next day. The clergy
had little choice but to rally to Khomeini's defense. The Qum
incident shifted many of the clergy from a position of support
for the Shah's monarchy to an active opposition. That "dirty
trick" perpetuated by General Fardoust was the trigger that
sparked Islamic movement participating in the anti-Shah democratic
Revolution. John D. Stempel, characterized Fardoust's importance
to the Alliance: "it is hard to over estimated the value
of having a mole in the inner circle of the Shah."
On February 3, a confidential communiqué from the U.S.
Embassy clearly reflected the vision of the Alliance: "Though
based on incomplete evidence, our best assessment to date is that
the Shia Islamic movement dominated by Ayatollah Khomeini is far
better organized, enlighten and able to resist Communism than
its detractors would lead us to believe. It is rooted in the Iranian
people more than any western ideology, including Communism."
April 1978, Le Monde "identified Khomeini's Liberation Movement
of Iran as the most significant force in the opposition followed
by the Shiite Islam joins the reformist of progressive critics
of the Shah on the same ground. In fact, this analysis was contrary
to what Mohammed Tavassoli, leader of the Liberation Movement
of Iran, expressed to John D. Stempel on August 21, 1978: "The
nationalist movement in Iran lacks a popular base. The choice
is between Islam and Communism... close ties between the Liberation
Movement of Iran and the religious movement was necessary. Iran
was becoming split by Marxist and the religious."
April 26, the confidential minutes of the U. S. Embassy Country
team meeting welcomed Bush, Reagan and Thatcher.
May 6, Le Monde became the first western newspaper to interview
Khomeini in Najaf, Iraq. Khomeini acknowledged his compatibility
with the strategic imperatives of the Bush covert team, "we
would not collaborate with the Marxists, even to the overthrow
of the Shah."
The same month, Khomeini's old ally from the failed 1963 coup
(that resulted in Khomeini's arrest and major uprising in June
1963 and his subsequent exile to Iraq) General Valiollah Qarani
sent his emissary to meet Khomeini in Najaf. Qarani had been a
major CIA asset in Iran since the 1953 coup. Seeing another chance
to gain power for himself, he advised Khomeini, according to former
Iranian President Abol Hassan Bani-sadr:
settle for the Shah's departure and don't use anti-American rhetoric,
Americans are ready to take him out."
In August, the Bush team sent its own point man to meet the exiled
Ayatollah in Najaf. Professor Richard Cottam carried excellent
credentials. During the 1953 coup, he had been in charge of the
CIA's Iran Desk, also, he had been in close contact with Dr. Ibrahim
Yazdi in the U.S. since 1975. Curiously, he admitted to Bani-sadr
in 1987, that he had not been working for the Carter Administration.
Cottam's visit must have had an impact, because Iran suddenly
began to experience a series of mysterious catastrophes:
* In Aberdeen,
Fundamentalist supporters burned down a theater killing the innocent
occupants, blaming it on the SAVAK and the Shah.
* There were riots in Isfahan that resulted in martial law.
* On August 27, one of Khomeini's rivals among the Shia Islamic
faithful outside of Iran, Ayatollah Mosa Sadr mysteriously disappeared.
According to an intelligence source he was killed and buried in
late August, the Shah was totally confused. U.S. Ambassador Sullivan
recorded the Shah's pleadings over the outbreak of violence:
the pattern was widespread and that it was like an outbreak of
a sudden rash in the country...it gave evidence of sophisticated
planning and was not the work of spontaneous oppositionists...the
Shah presented that it was the work of foreign intrigue...this
intrigue went beyond the capabilities of the Soviet KGB and must,
therefore, also involve British and American CIA. The Shah went
on to ask 'Why was the CIA suddenly turning against him? What
had he done to deserve this sort of action from the United States?"
September 8, the Shah's army gunned down hundreds of demonstrators
in Teheran in what became known as the "Jaleh Square Massacre".
On September 9, President Carter phoned the Shah to confirm his
support for the Shah, a fact that enraged the Iranian population.
A few days later, Carter's National Security aide, Gary Sick,
received a call from Richard Cottam, requesting a discrete meeting
between him and Khomeini's representative in the U.S., Dr. Yazdi.
Khomeini for the first time, publicly called for the Shah's overthrow.
Mid-September, at the height of the revolution, "one of the
handful of Khomeini's trusted associates", Ayatollah Mohammed
Hussein Beheshti, secretly visited the United States among others,
he also meet with Yazdi in Texas. Beheshti was an advocate of
the eye-for-an-eye school of justice.
In early October 1978, the agent for the Bush covert team arranged
to force Khomeini out of Iraq.
October 3, 1978, Yazdi picked up Khomeini in Iraq and headed for
Kuwait. According to Gary Sick, he received an urgent call from
Richard Cottam, learning for the first time that Khomeini had
been forced out of Iraq. Sick was told that Khomeini and his entourage
were stuck in no man's land while attempting to cross the border.
Cottam was requesting White House intervention to resolve the
issue. Sick respond, "there is nothing we could do".
October 6, Khomeini's entourage, having gotten back through Baqdad,
popped up in Paris. According to Bani-sadr, "it was Khomeini
who insisted on going to Paris instead of Syria or Algeria".
Whoever helped Khomeini out of the Kuwaiti border impasse had
to have been on good terms with both the French and Saddam Hussein.
December 12, Yazdi made a trip to the U.S. to promote Khomeini
and his Islamic Republic. Yazdi met secretly with Henry Precht
on an unofficial capacity. Precht was the Director of the Iran
Desk at the State Department and one of the Bush team's main choke
points in the Carter Administration. Later Precht and Yazdi appeared
together for televised discussion of Iran. Yazdi assured the American
public that homeini had not really called for a "torrent
of blood", and that the "election would be absolutely
free". The Islamic Republic "would enjoy full freedom
of speech and the press, including the right to attack Islam.
28, Cottam visited Khomeini in Paris where he noted that U.S.
citizen Dr. Yazdi was the "leading tactician in Khomeini's
camp" and apparent "chief of staff". Khomeini was
not interested in the Mullahs taking over the government. Also
noted that "Khomeini's movement definitely plans to organize
a political party to draw on Khomeini's charisma. Cottam thinks
such a party would win all Majlis seats."
Leaving Paris, Cottam slipped into Teheran, arriving the first
week in January 1979, to prepare Khomeini's triumphal return to
January 4, 1979, Carter's secret envoy, General Robert Huyser
arrived in Iran. His mission was to prevent the "fall of
the Shah". According to Huyser, Alexander Haig, ostensibly
a strong Shah supporter-inexplicably, "took violent exception
to the whole idea." Huyser recalled that "General Haig
never gave me a full explanation of his strong objections."
Huyser also revealed that Ambassador Sullivan "had also expressed
objections." Two pro-Shah advocates opposed to the prevention
of the Shah's fall.
On January 14, President Carter finally "authorized a meeting
between Warren Zimmerman and Ibrahim Yazdi. On the same day, Khomeini,
in an interview on CBS claimed, "a great part of the army
was loyal to him" and that "he will be in effect the
strong man of Iran."
On January 16, in an exact repeat of the 1953 CIA coup, Bush's
covert team ushered the "eccentric and weak" Shah out
February 1, 1979, Ayatollah Khomeini staged his own version of
a "triumphal return" in the streets of Teheran.
Khomeini moved quickly to establish his authority. On February
5 he named Mehdi Bazargan, a devoted Muslim and anti-Communist,
interim Prime Minister. Yazdi and Abbas Amir Entezam became Bazargan's
deputies, Dr. Sanjabi Foreign Minister, and General Qarani was
named military Chief of Staff.
On February 11, 1979, in seemingly a bizarre twist, General Qarani
asked the Shah's "eyes and ears" General Hossien Fardoust
for recommendations to fill the new top posts in Iran's armed
forces. Outside of the Chief of SAVAK, all the other recommendations
were accepted. Shortly after, General Fardoust became head of
SAVAMA, Khomeini's successor to SAVAK.
On February 14, 1979, two weeks after Khomeini's return to Iran,
the U.S. Embassy in Teheran was seized by Khomeini supporters
disguised as leftist guerrillas in an attempt to neutralize the
left. U.S. hostages were seized, but to the chagrin of Khomeini's
Fundamentalist, the Iranian coalition government restored order
immediately. Ironically, in the same day in Kabul, Afghanistan,
the U.S. Ambassador was also kidnapped by fanatic Islamic Fundamentalists
disguised as leftist guerrillas and killed in the gunfight.
On February 14, soon after the order was restored at the U.S.
Embassy in Teheran, Khomeini's aide Yazdi supplied the Embassy
with a group of Iranians for compound security. Ambassador Sullivan
installed armed, and trained this Swat squad lead by SAVAK/CIA
agent Mashallah Kahsani, with whom Sullivan developed a close
August, pro-Bush CIA official George Cave was visiting Iran to
provide intelligence briefings to Khomeini's aides, especially
Yazdi and Entezam. These intelligence exchanges continued until
October 31, the day Carter fired Bush and the 800 agents. Then
with all the Iranian officials who had restored order in the first
Embassy seizure eliminated, the stage was set for what happened
four days later.
On November 4, 1979, the U.S. Embassy was taken again. Leading
the charge was none other than Ambassador Sullivan's trusted Mashallah
Kashani, the Embassy's once and former security chief.
With the evidence
and documentation supplied by Mansoor, the alleged October Surprise
would not have been necessary. President Carter was the target,
in revenge for the Halloween Massacre, the night 800 CIA operatives
and George Bush were fired by Carter. The man thrust, however,
was to prevent a communist takeover of Iran on the Shah's anticipated
I think there
were more factors too:
must've been involved
- Shah talks about Oil being a factor in his book
But 1 thing
is clear: at the end the Masters won!
So much money
moved to them which is still being done.
so much money to Iran (Arms deal & ...), which went bye bye.
have made a fortune during the war selling to both sides.
All the corrupt
deals that r still happening.
But what did
the Iranian people did:
that it was 'them' who removed the 'Palang'
- killed & tortured their own brothers/sisters by the thousands
& still do.
- Too many turned corrupt/khaa'en/spy/traitors making a fortune
while most suffered.
- yet all these monsters r supposed to be 'Muslims'!
- created too many hezb/parties with hate/anger towards all who
were not in their party
- after 28 years, They still can't organize nothing without fight
- some r still fighting over what should be done (the solution!)
- Even some western-educated Iranians go around calling KhoSHEMRi
(some of them even carry US passports!)
It's not a
culture, it's an adventure!?